Albert Mathiez was born to an innkeeper’s family at La Bruyère in eastern France on Jan. 10, He graduated from the École Normale in After teaching. Albert Mathiez, an Historian at War. James Friguglietti. The present great war will not only change the face of the world in which we live. It will also transform our. Albert Mathiez, his pupil in method, and for the last twenty years the antagonist of his point of view, was struck down by apoplexy in the middle of a lecture on

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Robespierre and the Jacobins were ultimately overthrown by the bourgeoisieMathiez argued, once their property rights were threatened. And in his eyes this history albeft dominated by the evolution of ideas. Whatever the elegies delivered, we cannot hide their points of disagreement.

He was closer to them, and he understood their least hint.

The French Revolution – Albert Mathiez – Google Books

Tracing its conceptual origins back to the philosophical discourses of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and, somewhat less plausibly, the metaphysical system of Baruch Spinoza, zlbert author argues this bygone historical moment still has much to teach the present.

Mathiez wrote in For Marx and Engels, then, a society in which the state endures — much less the church — cannot be called emancipated. This would be, he said, my defense and my glory. Who would say that his example no longer needs to be recalled, that there are no lessons to be drawn from his life or politics?

Thus the social interpretation of the French Revolution was gradually perfected through a long development, secular to say the least. From the period of matgiez Restoration, historians of the liberal school, even if they were hardly alvert in the economic origins of the social movement, had strongly emphasized apbert of the essential characteristics of our national history: It is significant that it was during the First World War that Mathiez understood the economic necessities for conducting a great national war and albdrt requirement of a controlled economy; he then wrote the studies that formed, inThe High Cost of Living and the Social Movement during the Terror.

They saw in the Revolution only a minuscule bourgeois movement from which there was nothing to learn. There is no question that I arrive at different conclusions on more than one important point, but it is because he wrote before me that I was able to undertake certain investigations that would not have taken place without him.


A lesson in civismeit teaches us patriotism in the literal sense of the term, as a virtue according to Rousseau and Robespierre. At the same time he explored Robespierre’s career and promoted an edition of his writings. This was a singular merit when we realize that Aulard was formed by literary studies as they were understood at the end of the Second Empire and that he arrived at the history of the Revolution via the study of its orators.

It is a starting point more than an arrival point. It is far from having lost its creative spark. People began to seek the ideological origins of socialism in the eighteenth century, to seek out the first attempts at their realization over the course of the Revolution. Retrieved from ” https: For almost two centuries, each generation in its turn, through its hopes and dreams, studied the Revolution, matrix of our history, either to exalt it or reject it.

Whatever one might think of this doctrine it cannot be denied that it stimulated historical research and oriented it towards new paths.

Thus new meanings, up to then masked by the very complexity of the phenomenon, have been brought to light. Mmathiez World War, with its serious economic and social stresses, such as shortages of food and rationing, prompted him to study similar conditions during the Revolution.

Albert Mathiez, a prolific historian between the two world wars, embraced a Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution.

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The best of his spirit lives in me, even when I contradict him. What interested him in the Revolution was the political history, essentially that of parties and assemblies.

aalbert But thrown into the liberal combat against reaction and strong in their bourgeois consciousness, the historians insisted on the class character of the Revolution. A simple remark from the start: Being ignorant of history, these socialists were influenced by the teachings of M. An arrival point and a departure point: Erudite investigation and critical reflection can then arrive at putting the work in question.

Learn more about citation styles Citation styles Encyclopedia. After teaching for a short time in the provinces, he returned to Paris to prepare a doctoral thesis under the direction of Alphonse Aulard.


Even after the material conditions which necessitate spiritual and temporal power have been superseded, in other words, Fluss seems to believe they will persist in every time and in every clime.

Mathiez was active in the Communist Party from to But let us leave aside these exaggerations, which have nevertheless had a long life. Consequently, a revisionist line confronts the classical social interpretation. Danton, whom Aulard admired as a patriot, was to Mathiez a corrupt demagogue; Robespierre, a tyrant to Aulard, became mathies Mathiez the champion of social democracy. Naturally their disagreement essentially concerns Danton and Robespierre. Whether the feud was caused by personal pique, psychological matjiez, or scholarly ambition, it took public form as a dispute over the characters and historical roles of Georges Jacques Danton and Maximilien de Robespierre.

From the beginning, this interpretation alone, through its scholarly demands and albbert reflection, established itself as truly scientific: Copyright The Columbia University Press. After graduation, he passed the aggregation in history, and after doing his military service, entered the teaching profession. Economic questions took a growing, and finally a preponderant place in the policies of states and in international relations. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Albert Mathiez

An act of faith, it still inspires enthusiasm and strengthens liberating convictions. Over and above such heady speculations, then, the historical analogy he offers in his article may be scrutinized to see if it is apt.

He showed himself fair regarding Robespierre during the crisis of the summer of ; he no longer understood him starting with the great trials of the spring of Religio perennis lurks behind all the superficial changes in mythology over the centuries, expressing an immutable desire.

The bourgeoisie appeared to him to be the natural mentor of the Third Estate; the popular masses could do nothing but support it, and if need be goad it into realizing the fullest political democracy.

When he began to separate himself for his teacher it was on a question of political history: